Vietnamese in America

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Peoples of Asian ancestry are dispersed throughout the United States and make up a significant portion of our culture and population. Early on, there were three main groups who initially kick started the immigration process for Asians into the San Diego area of the United States. Chinese in the mid 1800’s, Japanese in the late 1800’s, and Filipinos in the late 1800’s to early 1900’s were the original groups to immigrate into the U.S. up until the time of World War II. Because of the Naval base in San Diego, a significant number settled in that general area. Many came for economic gain due to the availability of jobs. Legislation was continually passed to slow each group from gaining momentum which is the reason for the chronological patterns of the three groups. Eventually, after WWII, the Chinese were seen as and American ally which led to the revision of much of the restricting legislation. This specifically led to a large influx of Asian women into the U.S. The Vietnam War had the same effect for Vietnamese people. Large groups of Vietnamese came to the U.S. after the fall of the South in 1975. The main difference between the Vietnamese and other Asian groups was that they were mainly refugees or “involuntary immigrants.” They were often seen as being very weak and helpless through this process. “Scholars often pair the construct of Vietnamese refugees as passive objects of sympathy with a plea to the West..” (Espiritu, pg. 412) Their differences however, are what eventually brought many of them together as allies; their numbers and coalitions being a key factor for later mobilization.
Early on, Groups like the Union of Pan-Asian Communities (UPAC), based in San Diego, had to use “interactive models of activism” to be heard in a society which served them with few advantages. They were a group who started out as a grassroots organization and eventually evolved into a political entity due to their persistence and continued support from many Asian-American groups. They started in the 70’s which was already a time of social unrest in the U.S. they changed the power structure already in place in the Asian American community by bringing in younger minds and adding women into the power mix. Multiple ethnic groups were also represented in the group. After the large influx of Vietnamese refugees in 1975, the UPAC recognized that they too were part of the same social struggle and thus should be represented in the UPAC structure. Still, there are some Vietnamese who felt they did not exactly fit into the Asian-American category. As the UPAC became more institutionalized and recognized as a serious political group, they gained more power. By 1990, the UPAC’s operating budget totaled $1.6 million; by 2002, $4.5 million. The organization was not only a social service group, but rather an outlet for marginalized peoples and an example of power in numbers. And, while they were eventually joined by other groups with similar purposes, they alone were the model for success in such social endeavors.
In terms of the media, Asian-Americans had to fight against radio and television programs which depicted them in negative and stereotypical ways. Characters in various programs like San Diego at Large and “shock radio” used stereotypes for Asian characters. This in turn led to negative views on Asians on a subliminal level. Negative connotations associated with a group through popular culture can have lasting effects and in this case did argues Vo. Mainstream society would be less likely to accept the already marginalized Asian-American community because of this. The Asian Pacific American Coalition (APAC) was the main group to step up and speak out against these cultural disgraces. Not only were the programs offensive, but they were aired early enough where children could see and hear them. When no formal apologies were given, larger groups took the APAC under their wing and used their mobilization efforts as a springboard for a larger campaign against media misuse. This brought attention to the lack of minority representation in the media.
Other groups, like the Asian Business Association (ABA), were formed to deal with the economic side of mobilization. Issues like discrimination and affirmative action were the basis for the ABA when it was constructed. This group made great strides in highlighting the importance of Asian-Americans in the business world because of their transnational links. Vo actually served as a board member for the ABA at one time in order to better understand the interworking of the organization. Not only were the Asian-American business people themselves key to this movement, but the Asian-American consumer as well. With the vivid change in socioeconomic resources, Asians were able to place themselves in positions of importance.
With the solid structure of several organizations in place, political movements were able to be formed. Voices of these groups were heard is various forums over a variety of issues. (Ong & Meyer, pp 79-80) With no clear leadership however, this was a daunting task. There was also the problem of National attention for the groups based in San Diego. Eventually, many of the Asian Americans residing in the San Diego area started to disperse and move to suburban areas. With no clearly named center for Asian American culture, people did not realize the large percentage of Asian Americans that did in fact inhabit the greater San Diego area. Suburbanization, in some ways, hindered their progress on a larger scale. Also, along with this came the need for Asian Americans to form their own identities in order to assimilate into their local environment, yet still keep a sense of self. Some Asian Americans seemed to forget their heritage completely in an effort to westernize and mesh into American culture. Others however were able to use their heritage as a link between cultures in a successful way through business. They also had to decide how they wanted to represent themselves in this aspect. Some accepted the “Pan Asian” or “Asian American” titles while other still fought for individual representation.
In comparison, not all Asian Americans around the U.S. compare in the same ways to those in the San Diego areas. In places where there are less Asian Americans and racial tension is greater, Asian Americans seem to feel a greater need to ally themselves with others. It’s incredible to see how such culturally similar groups can act so inherently different when placed into different U.S. regions. It speaks to the cultural diversity of the United States itself.

Subtexts:

Do Hien Duc, The Vietnamese Americans, Westport: Greenwood Press, 1992.

This book was written by a Vietnamese refugee who had a first hand look into what immigration was like initially after The Vietnam war and the struggles Vietnamese people had to endure while trying to assimilate into American culture. It goes along with Mobilizing An Asian American Community in that they both discuss these issues. This book however goes more in depth into the immigration processes, their lasting effects, and what it was like first hand. Both books deal with social issues for Vietnamese Americans and how immigration has evolved over time. The future of the Vietnamese people is also a main point in this book. The author goes into what can be expected in the future in terms of issues such as politics, education, and cultural adaption.

Xing, Jun. Asian America: Through the Lens. Altamira Press, 1998.

This book is an examination of the many genres of Asian-American film. The author, throughout the book, has a seemingly negative attitude toward most Asian-American film work. He specifically shows distaste for non-Asian or white directors that produce films about Asian Americans, feeling that they have no clue how to represent their group. He specifically scorns the work of Oliver Stone yet praises other Asian directors for making similar cross cultural work. The author does however point out specific genres which he feels are important to Asian-American culture. The negative pats of the book seem to be riddled with quotes backing up his own theories and ideals. It connects to the book I read through the media aspect of Asian-American culture.

Yen Le Espiritu, “Toward a Critical Refugee Study: The Vietnamese refugee subject in
US Scholarship,” Journal of Vietnamese Studies, Volume 1, Numbers 1-2, February-
August 2006.

This particular excerpt examines the influx of Vietnamese refugees into the U.S. after The Vietnam war. More specifically, it shows how the U.S. reacted to the migration and how the government continually tried to put positive spins on negative situations the Vietnamese found themselves in. The author also wasn’t to point out how “Vietnam is a country, not a war”. He says that many westerners connect Vietnamese people with the war so often, their identities are often downplayed. The narratives of “rescue and liberation” so often told in conjunction with the Vietnam War are highly unacceptable in the eyes of Espiritu. Vietnamese people need to be viewed as strong for their struggles, rather than passive and weak people.

Nhu Ngoc T. Ong and David Meyer, Protest and Political Incorporation:Vietnamese American Protests in Orange County, California, 1975–2001” Journal of Vietnamese Studies, Volume 3, Number 1 (Winter 2008)

Political activity has been an important outlet for many minority cultures when it comes to desiring to have their voice heard in a larger forum. This reading shows how protesting was used as an extension of more conventional political practices by Vietnamese Americans. Political activity was stated to have been highly important, when asked in surveys, by the Vietnamese residents of the Orange County area. Seeing as how Vietnamese immigration took place not too long ago, political practices for these groups are in their earliest stages. Leadership definition was also highly important in organizing protests around the events covered in this reading. At the end of the day, the vast majority of the people simply wanted to better the economic positions of their people. Surprisingly, the Vietnamese government were at the receiving end of most of the protesting that took place in the “Little Saigon” area of Orange County.

Lê Thi Diem Thúy, The Gangster We are All Looking For,

The story in this book is about a young girl who is forced to leave Vietnam as a refugee and comes, by boat, to California. The girl and her father come originally and are soon kicked out the home they were accepted into after the girl, disoriented from her hardships, breaks some of the owner’s possessions. The mother eventually makes it to the country, but the parents never quite assimilate into American culture. They fight constantly and are clearly frustrated with their lives. The father tells stories to the young girl throughout of his past experiences which lead the reader to believe he himself is the gangster from the title. It’s a very vague read at best, but does show how hard it can be for families to adjust and assimilate into the diverse American culture.

Linda Trinh Vo, Mobilizing an Asian American Community, Philadelphia, Temple University Press, 2004.

This text is the center piece for my project. It gives a fairly detailed account of the immigration process for, not only Vietnamese, but other Asian American groups into the U.S.. It shows the early struggles they endure, specifically in the San Diego area. The reader is able to see how multiple groups came together to form social organizations, and by mobilizing these organizations, were able to create social change on a level no one could have expected. The author, Linda Trinh Vo also examines the Asian American identity and the hardships involved with finding ones self. Finally, she compares the San Diego experience to other parts of the country.